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Thread: Mycenaean South Caucausian Origin theory

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    Mycenaean South Caucausian Origin theory

    From Robert Drew's 2017 book "Militarism and the Indo Europeanizing of Europe" :






    (thanks to Ironhorse for helping me find Drew's book)
    Last edited by Johane Derite; 09-09-2019 at 09:23 PM.

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    The South Caucasian swords that bear similarity to the Type A cretan swords are also 300-400 years older than those found in the Aegean:

    "All of the Trialeti rapiers date early in the second millennium BC or late in the
    third, three or four centuries earlier than the dates that Schaeffer proposed for
    the similar specimens from the Talysh. Because the south Caucasian rapiers are
    earlier than those from the Aegean and Byblos, the influence that Déchelette,
    Schaeffer and others discussed must have gone from south of the Caucasus to the
    Aegean, and not vice versa" pg 94


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    This movement of swords and other material from south caucases actually fits rather nicely with Eric Hamp's "Pontic-IE" theory for Greek's origins:

     


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    And correct me if I am wrong, but does it possibly explain the distribution of R1b-Z2103? Since these types of swords have also been found in Mat tumuli in Albania, where today R1b-Z2103>BY611>Z2705 is quite present.


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    And around the same time of 1600BC is also when these types of swords appear in the Carpathian basin and south Scandinavia. Drews here is a bit more radical than I think is accurate, but I think he is on to something. He attributes the "northern IE" group to the carpathian basin, and in this part he places Albanian. This is accurate also from Hamps view, as well as John Basset Trumpers recent work, (albanian lacks indo-iranian affinities and has many baltic and some germanic affinities, and so is argued to not be part of the greco-armeno-indo-iranian group but rather the north IE group that broke off and secondarily had intense contacts with greek).

    This would also explain a J2b2-l283 entry from beyond the dnieper, and a local carpathian basin EV13 that joins them once they arrive. In the mathieson L283 sample, the percentages of steppe suggested recent arrival, and was 1500BC, almost perfect date for arrival of these swords in the carpathian basin.

    Last edited by Johane Derite; 09-09-2019 at 09:53 PM.

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    From 'Militarism and the Indo-Europeanizing of Europe' (Drews 2017):

    "We have good evidence that shortly before 1600 BC military forces took over some of the most valuable parts of the Greek mainland and the Carpathian basin. Where the intruders came from is not yet clear, and may not be until more archaeological evidence is available, but very good work on this topic has been done by Silvia Penner. Her Schliemanns Schachtgräberrund und der europäische Nordosten began as a doctoral dissertation, presented at the Universität des Saarlandes in 1995. The book, published 3 years later, is a model of industry and diligence and is also distinguished by courageous critical thinking. Penner made a strong case that the people buried in the Shaft Graves at Mycenae came from the forest steppe between the Volga and Ural rivers. She presented in detail striking parallels between burials in the Shaft Graves and those in the Sintashta-Petrovka archaeological culture (and as far to the east as the Bashkortostan border with western Siberia). Penner’s work leaves no doubt that the steppe must be at the center of any conversation about the provenance of the people who took over parts of MH Greece. The same can be said for the military force that took over the most desirable parts of the Carpathian basin. Although she did not develop the argument, Penner also came to that conclusion. The old debate about whether or not the changes in the Carpathian basin came from Mycenaean Greece, she argued, should now be ended: the changes came from the steppe. I think that is basically correct, although a few of the innovations may have been imported to the basin by way of Mycenaean Greece, just as a few other changes may have come to Greece by way of the basin. In any case, what happened in Greece and what happened in the Carpathian basin late in the seventeenth century BC appear to have been twin aspects of a single event or series of events.” (p.354)

    “In arguing that a military force from the Volga-Ural forest steppe came to Greece at the end of the MH period Penner relied on the Totenritual performed in both regions (aspects of the construction of the grave, and the selection of grave goods) and on three artifacts that were attested in both places, appearing first in the southern Urals and then in the Shaft Graves at Mycenae. These three artifacts were the organic disk cheekpiece (the Scheibenknebel), the wave ornamentation (Wellenband) on weapons and other objects, and the forged spearhead with slit socket. In addition, Penner began her argument with a comparison of the gold disks from Grave Circle A and the seven bronze disks found in 1973 in Grave 3 of Kurgan 2 at Novo-Jabalakly, in the Republic of Bashkortostan. This site is far to the northeast of the Caspian, and not far from the southern Urals. The similarities in decoration of the disks are remarkable, especially the curvilinear swastika or the “running S.” Penner notes, however, that the same design appears on a disk found at Solomenka, in the foothills north of the Caucasus and near the headwaters of the Kuban river. Solomenka is more than 2000 km southwest of Novo-Jabalakly, and that is a reminder of how dependent our theories are on the vagaries of archaeological finds. It is possible that the “running S” was in vogue even to the west of Solomenka, and it is almost certain that it was in vogue at places in the vast steppe that lay between Novo-Jabalakly and Solomenka. The Wellenband decoration on cheekpieces has been found in three places: Greece, the Carpathian basin and the steppe. On the steppe, as Penner shows, as many have been found along the upper Don as along the upper Volga and Ural. The same is true of the forged, or slit-socketed, spearhead and the Scheibenknebel. Although the organic disk cheekpieces that have been found in Greece and the Carpathian basin are paralleled along the southern Urals, they are also paralleled—as Penner shows—along the upper Don and even by specimens found as far to the west as Trakhtemyriv, on the middle Dnieper. A survey slightly more recent than Penner’s concluded that find-spots of the organic disk cheekpiece are in fact most numerous in the forest steppe between the Volga and the Don. Penner’s maps also show that forged spearheads have been found not only in the Sintashta-Petrovka region but also at sites on the upper Don, at one on the lower Dnieper, and at one on the left bank of the Kuban.” (p.354-356)


    “by ca.2000 BC some people on the steppe had discovered a much better device with which to control a galloping horse. This was the bit, a mouthpiece placed across the diastemata, the gaps between the horse’s incisors and pre-molars. The mouthpiece was tied to two cheekpieces, each with sharpened points... The earliest known cheekpieces, carved from bone, have been found in the forest steppe east of the Urals: they would have been connected by a mouthpiece made from leather or some other perishable material. Until evidence to the contrary is found we may suppose that the invention of the bit took place in the forest steppe near the Urals. […] In the horse country of the steppe, the invention of the organic bit ca.2000 BC not only would have given riders much more control than was possible with a nose-ring and rope, but also encouraged the invention of a light, spoke-wheeled cart.” (p.74-77)

    “The earliest known artifacts that are certainly cheekpieces were found in conjunction with the earliest known spoke-wheeled carts. The innovations seem to have occurred together in the Sintashta-Petrovka cultural area, along the eastern flank of the southern Urals. In the late 1980s Nikolai Vinogradov, excavating at Krivoe Ozero in the Chelyabinsk Oblast, found four cheekpieces next to two horse skulls. This was a “chariot burial” […] In 1992 Vinogradov gave Anthony permission to date bone from the two Krivoe Ozero horse skulls and the calibrated date turned out to be 2270–2030 BC (the uncalibrated dates were about 300 years later). The Krivoe Ozero “chariot burial” was not an isolated phenomenon. In the 1970s Vladimir Gening had excavated five similar burials at Sintashta, 80 miles to the south of Krivoe Ozero... Although Gening originally assigned the spoke-wheeled vehicles at Sintashta to the seventeenth century BC carbon dating has put them considerably earlier, and close to 2000 BC. […] The cheekpieces found in the burials at Krivoe Ozero were disk-shaped and were made from bone, carved with studs protruding from the inner face. The same design was followed in the bronze “Hyksos” bits used in the Near East from ca. 1700 until at least 1300 BC.” (p.77-79)

    “Organic bits of the kind used in the Sintashta-Petrovka culture soon became widespread on the steppe. Studded disk cheekpieces, closely resembling those from Sintashta, have recently been found in Tajikistan, some 1300 miles southeast of Sintashta. Importantly for our purposes, bits of the same kind have been found in Romania and—as now is well known —two pairs were also included in the corredo of Shaft Grave IV at Mycenae. Most of the early specimens that have been recovered, usually from burials, come from the Sintashta cultural area westward to the forest steppe along the upper Don. That the bit and the spoke-wheeled cart were soon adopted over so vast an area on the steppe indicates how important and exciting these innovations were in the horse’s natural habitat." (p.79-82)


    “Penner’s three diagnostic artifacts are not entirely lacking in southern Caucasia (and the Totenritual there also had parallels to Mycenaean Greece). Although Wellenband decoration was not common in southern Caucasia, it was not unknown: on a pot found in Kurgan 12 at Verin Naver, dating to the Middle Bronze Age, the main register is covered with a Wellenband. It must nevertheless be conceded that the prominence of the Wellenband in Mycenaean Greece is unlikely to have been due to newcomers from southern Caucasia. A much more likely explanation for that prominence would be extensive Mycenaean contact with the Carpathian basin, where the motif was wildly popular.

    As we have seen, the forged bronze spearhead, or the spearhead with a slit sleeve, is well attested in Middle Bronze contexts in southern Caucasia. Some specimens from that region have an even closer resemblance to Aegean spearheads than do any of those from the Sintashta culture: the Trialeti spearhead with close Mycenaean counterparts at Ialysos and Prosymna has been noted above. Penner’s map shows two sites in southern Caucasia where slit-socketed spearheads have been found.” (p.359-362)

    “Indo-Europeanists are also quite certain that in a wider subgroup Greek and Armenian stand close to Indo-Iranian. Clackson in fact concluded that the links between Indo-Iranian and Greek are as strong as those between Armenian and Greek. Because the Indo-Iranian, Greek and Armenian languages have a genetic relationship, and because Indo-Iranian was fully fledged by ca.1500 BC, we must suppose that the roots of Greek and Armenian go back to a much earlier stage of Indo-Iranian. (p.364-367)

    “Overall, we have good reason to locate in southern Caucasia an early form of Indo-Iranian that over many centuries gave rise to Armenian, Greek and Phrygian. If in the middle of the third millennium BC Indo-Iranian pastoralists began filtering into southern Caucasia, the roots of the subgroup may have been planted. I will speculate that by the seventeenth century BC what we know as Indo-Iranian may have been spoken to the south of some natural frontiers, while to the north people spoke a cognate from which would evolve Armenian, Phrygian and Greek. One such frontier may have been the Araxes river, the middle and lower courses of which served as the border between the Russian and Persian empires after 1813. Another frontier may have been the Botan/Kentrites tributary of the upper Tigris.” (p.370)








    Above maps and following excerpt from 'The Rise of Bronze Age Society' (Kristiansen and Larsson, 2005):

    “Sylvia Penner has recently proposed that the archaeological distributions of the early second millennium BC represent a conquest migration into the Aegean, leading to the formation of the shaft grave dynasty. This interpretation is not far from that of Robert Drews. Some evidence would seem to support Penner’s argument, including the osteological determination of the skeletons in the B-circle (Angel 1972), where the male population is characterised as Nordic Caucasian (robust and tall), in some opposition to the female population, which is more Mediterranean. The recently discovered shaft grave of a chiefly male warrior from Aegina from the LMH [Late Middle Helladic] period belongs in the same group as the male chieftains of the B-circle, and he had injuries and muscle insertions on the right arm from sword fighting (Manolis and Neroutsos 1997). This evidence may show the intrusion of a new ruling segment of warriors and charioteers. They employed the specific wavy band decoration from antler, bone and ivory of the chariot complex on several of the grave stelae with horse and chariot motifs in the A- and B-circles at Mycenae (Younger 1997). Other evidence, however, points to some continuity between MH [Middle Helladic] and LH [Late Helladic], although not in the settlement system (Maran 1995).

    [We are aware that the anthropological evidence and the categorisations employed are subject to criticism. More recently this problem has been critically analysed by Day (2001), within a broad comparative framework of Indo-European osteological data. even here, the shaft grave osteological material shows connections to the steppe of eastern Europe/Romania.]

    What can be inferred with some certainty is the importation of a new horse and chariot package, including steppe horses. This was recently verified by an analysis of the two horse burials of paired horses from Dendra from the Late MH period, which showed they were of the larger steppe type (Payne 1990). They were well bred and out of an established breeding tradition. Thus, trade in horses, accompanied by new specialists in chariotry and horse dressage, would seem to be a necessary implication of the evidence. In addition our previous analyses of relations between the east Mediterranean and the Carpathians underpins this picture of well-organised long-distance trade connections and travels of chiefly retinues and specialists.

    Concluding hypotheses:

    As the textual evidence of the Near East and Egypt describes conquest migrations and the influx of specialists, warriors and rulers of Aryan origin, it may seem justified to reassess some earlier interpretations of the origin of the shaft grave kings. […] The material culture of chariotry in the Aegean was accompanied by new burial rituals exemplified by the shaft graves in the B- and A-circles, later followed by tholos tombs, all of which resemble the burial forms in Sintashta and the steppe region. In addition the physical anthropology of the male chiefs in the B-circle showed so-called Caucasian-Nordic traits, in opposition to the women buried there. Settlement evidence further shows a break or reorganisation on the mainland during this period (Maran 1995). Also, new foreign weapon types such as lances with split socket are spread along the same lines of communication, but extend further into the east Mediterranean. … this additional evidence suggests that we are dealing with a conquest migration in the Aegean penetrating further into the east Mediterranean to Crete (the end of the Old Palace period). From here they joined forces with the Hyksos in Egypt, as originally suggested by Mylonas (1972).”

    (p.182-185)

    https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=...page&q&f=false
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    Last edited by Philjames; 11-24-2019 at 02:13 PM.

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