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Thread: The Origin of Romanians (Vlachs)

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    Wink The Origin of Romanians (Vlachs)

    This thread will act as a depository of studies and opinions on the origin and spread of Romanians.


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    Haplogroups I-M423 and R-M17* were found in relatively high frequencies in Moldavians and their closest geographic neighbors, eastern Romanians and Ukrainians. In order to explore the genetic similarities of the I-M423 and R-M17* Moldavian chromosomes with those from Romanian and Ukrainian populations, median-joining networks based on 15 and 17 STRs haplotypes were generated on the background of haplogroups I-M423 and R-M17*, respectively (Figure 4). In both networks the Ukrainian and Romanian Y-STR haplotypes appeared to cluster within the respective populations. For haplogroup I-M423, Moldavian chromosomes share equal number of haplotypes with both Romanian and Ukrainian samples. In the case of R-M17*, the reduced median network of the Y-STR haplotypes indicated a closer relationship of the Moldavian Y-STR haplotypes with Ukrainian Y-STR haplotypes than with Romanian Y-STR haplotypes. Specifically, of four haplotypes shared by Moldvians with other populations three Moldavian haplotypes were found to be shared with Ukrainian haplotypes and only one haplotype was shared between Moldavians and Romanians. Pairwise RST comparisons for Y-STR haplotypes within haplogroup R-M17* further indicate that the Moldavian R-M17* chromosomes are closer related to the Ukrainian R-M17* chromosomes (RST = 0.02709; P = 0.14108) than to those of Romanians (RST = 0.20157; P = 0.0015 adjusted for multiple testing). It should be noted, however, that the total number of individuals from each population used in these analyses is small. Therefore, further study will be needed to clarify in detail the relationship of the R-M17* chromosomes in Moldavians, Romanians and Ukrainians.

    In contrast to Romanians and most other Balkan populations, Moldavians show a clear genetic similarity to western and eastern Slavs. This is strongly implied by haplogroup R-M17, which dominates the paternal lineages of the Slavs and is broadly represented in Moldavians. Stefan et al. [18] have already noticed the increased presence of R-M17 chromosomes in Moldavians and explained it as a trait inherited from ancient (prehistoric) population of the North Pontic Steppe. However, genetic continuity in this scenario is not supported by archaeological and historical records, which suggest repeated dramatic demographic changes in Moldova’s population during the 4th –14th centuries AD. Recent admixture with Slavic neighbors appears to be a more parsimonious explanation for the elevated R-M17 frequency in Moldavians. The noteworthy domination of R-M17 chromosomes in Moldavians compared to Romanians is due to the R-M458 subclade. Haplogroup R-M458 likely has its roots in western/northern Poland, where it has its greatest modern concentration and microsatellite diversity [49]. Given the geographical proximity of Moldova to the Polish and other Slavic population groups and historically attested interactions between Moldavians and Slavs [10], [12], [13], [14], it is reasonable to assume that an influx of Slavs helped elevate the frequency of R-M17 chromosomes among Moldavians to underscore the Moldavian-Romanian differentiation. Furthermore, Romanians and Moldavians also display differences in the structure of R-M17* STR haplotypes. Although our network analysis (Figure 4) primarily shows homogeneity of the diversity of R-M17 haplotypes, Moldavian R-M17 chromosomes align closer with Ukrainian (Slavic) chromosomes than with Romanian ones, further supporting the contribution from Slavic neighbors to the Moldavian paternal gene pool.

    Despite repeated invasions by nomads from Asian heartlands, only two (N-P43 and Q-M242) out of 125 Moldavian Y chromosomes studied here belonged to haplogroups of apparently northern/central Asian origins. These results are in good agreement with earlier studies on Y-chromosome variation in eastern and central Europe, asserting a minimal impact of gene flow from Siberia/central Asia [25], [41], [50], [51].

    http://journals.plos.org/plosone/art...l.pone.0053731
    Haplogroup I-M423 can be found with the highest frequency (40.7%), which shows that the Romanians mostly descended from European hunter-gatherers, followed by R-M17 or R1a (16.7%), the paternal lineage of the Slavs, which can be explained by Romania's geographical proximity to the Slavic heartland. A minimal impact of gene flow from Siberia was observed (Y-DNA haplogroups Q, N) and another East Asian specific lineage, C5c1, was also detected in some European populations such as Poles, Belorussians, and Romanians (Perkova et al. 2012).

    We have long known that mtDNA haplogroup U (especially U5) was predominant in European hunter-gatherers. We now have a substantial set of ancient Y-DNA from early European hunter-gathers that establishes that Y-DNA haplogroup I (particularly I2) was predominant in those same European hunter-gatherers. Y-DNA haplogroup I accounts for a little less than 20% of Europeans with a much higher percentage of Scandinavians (among the last population of Europe to adopt farming) and in the Balkans. I1 which is not present in the ancient samples currently more common than I2. I1 appears to have expanded much later, perhaps around the time of the Nordic Bronze Age or maybe even a later phase of the Nordic Bronze Age. Thus, less than 10% of European men are in the I2 Y-DNA clade. Its mtDNA counterpart, mtDNA haplogroup U, is found in about 11% of Europeans (the non-U5 clades are mostly outside of Europe or rare). These estimates aren't perfect since some clades of each haplogroup may have been late arrivals, and there may be other haplogroups in ancient DNA of that period which has not yet been discovered.
    http://dispatchesfromturtleisland.bl...minant-in.html
    Last edited by ThirdTerm; 03-01-2016 at 10:16 PM.
    Давайте вместе снова сделаем мир великий!

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    I've already posted this research in another thread and I'm bringing it here for convenience's sake. It is free of charge to read and download from here:

    Varzari, Alexander (2006): Population History of the Dniester-Carpathians: evidence from Alu insertion and Y-chromosome polymorphisms. Dissertation, LMU München: Faculty of Biology

    It is known that the lands to the south and to the east of the Carpathians were poorly populated in the 11th – 13th centuries AD due to devastating raids by the Turkic nomads from the North Pontic steppes (Fedorov 1999).

    From the 13th century the old-Romanic population (Volokhs, another word for Vlachs), the direct ancestors of the contemporary Moldavians and the Romanians, penetrated there from the adjacent territories of Southeast Europe. Simultaneously or a little later the Slavs settled down predominantly in the Dniester valley.

    A high share of the Anatolian/southern Balkan stratum in the male pool of the southern Romanians and as a consequence their close genetic affinity with the autochthonous Balkan populations testify to a significant gene flow from the southern/central Balkans and thus support the migration concept of the origin of the Romanians (for review see Fedorov 1999).

    A considerable prevalence of the western Balkan component over the Anatolian one and a moderate share of the eastern European component in the pool of the eastern Romanians and the northern Moldavians may be attributable to the peopling of the eastern Transcarpathians from Transylvania and in this way is more consistent with the theory of the autochthonous (within the Carpathian Basin) development of the Romanians and the Moldavians. As we see, no theory (the migration one or that of the autochthonous development) explains completely the observed variability of the Y-chromosome in the gene pool of the Romanians and the Moldavians, but it does not confront with the observed variability either. The results of the study of the Y-chromosome polymorphism testify to the mixed origin of the male pool of the East Romanic population.

    It seems that probably the East Romanic expansion came from two distinct areas in the Medieval Ages. At the same time the Balkan Volokhs (the old-Romanian community) preferred to settle down on the lands, which were in close vicinity of the Balkans to the South of the Carpathians, whereas the Carpathian Volokhs settled down in the eastern Transcarpathians.

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    “Vlach,: “Valach,” “Volach,” “Vlakh” and other variations of the term date back in time nearly 2,000 years and refer to a variety of “Latinized” people whose origin is ultimately the Roman Empire (Magocsi 1993). In archaic Czech, for example, “Vlassko” means Italy, and “Valach” refers to “Italian” (Radio Prague 1999). Today, only isolated groups of peoples in the Balkans (Greece, Macedonia, Albania, Serbia, Bulgaria) are referred to as Vlachs and these people speak Aromanian (e.g., Wace & Thomson 1914, Winnifrith 1987, Caragui 1999). The Romanian and Moldavians, who speak another language derived from Latin, Daco-Romanian, represent the largest concentration of Latinized people of southeastern Europe. Historically, Romanians and Moldavians were known as Vlachs. The Romanian province of Walachia was named for the Valachs and served as their traditional homeland. Other groups of Vlachs have been assimilated into the local populations.

    On the problems that jeopardize the Vlach research. First, there is little written history about the Vlachs. Second. On lifestyle Vlachs were largely nomadic shepherds who lived in remote mountainous locales and were known to travel great distances. In fact, Vlachs are tied into the difficult mosaic of Balkans History. Fourth, Vlachs were famous (and still are) for their ability to assimilate into which ever culture they happened to find themselves (Balamaci 1995). For Example. Vlachs who migrated into Bosnia readily dropped Christianity in favor of the local Islam, and the Vlachs who migrated into the Habsburg Empire were “Slavicized” in both religion (Orthodox to Roman Catholic) and language (Winnifrith 1987). Fifth, the term “Vlach” has historically been loosely used by others and oftentimes referred to any outsiders who were shepherds.

    The maximum extent of the roman Empire in southeastern Europe occurred after 106 AD when conquest of the Dacian people extended the empire from modern Greece to Romania. By all accounts, the Latinized people of the Roman Empire represented both a variety of indigenous people as well as colonists who came into the region (e.g. Magocsi 1993). Under barbarian pressure, the Roman Legions retreated from Dacia (modern Romania) in 217. According to at least Romanian historians, Roman colonists and the Latinized Dacians retreated into the Carpathian Mountains of Transylvania after the Roman Legions withdrew from the area. This view is supported to the extent that archeological evidence does indicate the presence of Latin-speaking people in Transylvania by at least the 8th Century (Carragie 1999).

    By the late 4th Century, the Roman Empire was plagued by internal problems and, in southeastern Europe. By the incursion of the Germanic tribes. By the 7th and 8thCenturies, the Roman Empire existed only south of the Danube River in the form of the Byzantine Empire with its capitol at Constantinople (Fig.3). In this ethnically diverse closing area of the Roman Empire, Vlachs were recognized as those who spoke Latin, the official language of the Byzantine Empire until the 6th Century when Greek came to dominate (Balamaci 1995). These original Vlachs probably consisted of a variety of ethnic groups, but who shared the commonality of having been assimilated in language and culture into the Roman Empire. The remainder of Central and Eastern Europe north of the Danube River was occupied by shifting groups of (1) Slavs, who immigrated into the region during the first few centuries of the millennium from the northwestern Ukraine, (2) Germanic tribes (e.g., Goths, Vandals, Sueves), (3) Asiatic groups (e.g., Alans, Huns, Avars), and (4) the Turkic Bulgars who migrated into area in 679 (Magocsi 1993).



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    The only organised state of Greek Vlachs, Vlachia, which emerged during a weakened Byzantine Empire, year 1265. Unlike in the Wallachia from North of the Danube, Vlachs from Greece did not succeed to impose their own state and as a result have been on an assimilation spree into Greek culture since then. This phenomena has likely happened all over the Balkans, at least in the regions that have records of historic Vlach communities that have lived/are living there.

    The Vlachs of Thessaly first appear in Byzantine sources in the 11th century, in the Strategikon of Kekaumenos and Anna Komnene's Alexiad).[1] In the 12th century, the Jewish traveller Benjamin of Tudela records the existence of the district of "Vlachia" near Halmyros in eastern Thessaly, while the Byzantine historian Niketas Choniates places "Great Vlachia" near Meteora. The term is also used by the 13th-century scholar George Pachymeres, and it appears as a distinct administrative unit in 1276, when the pinkernes Raoul Komnenos was its governor (kephale). Thessalian Vlachia was apparently also known as "Vlachia in Hellas".[2]

    Medieval sources of the period also speak of an "Upper Vlachia" in Epirus, and a "Little Vlachia" in Aetolia-Acarnania, but "Great Vlachia" is no longer mentioned after the late 13th century, and disappears until the 15th century, when the term was applied to Wallachia proper, north of the Danube.[2]
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    A map which depicts the Carpathian Basin on the eve of the Hungarian Conquest of Europe, taking into account the narration of the Gesta Hungarorum.

    Gesta Hungarorum, or The Deeds of the Hungarians, is the first extant Hungarian chronicle. It was written by an unidentified author who has traditionally been called Anonymus in scholarly works. According to most historians, the work was completed between around 1200 and 1230. The Gesta exists in a sole manuscript from the second part of the 13th century, which was for centuries held in Vienna. It is part of the collection of Széchényi National Library in Budapest.
    As it can be clearly observed, Vlachs were already present on the high ground of Transylvania, coexisting alongside Slavs, and the fertile plains of Wallachia, when the various Hungarian tribes reached the Carpathian basin. In addition to that, they have been confirmed to live South of the Danube.



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    Gelou (Romanian: Gelu; Hungarian: Gyalu) was the Vlach ruler of Transylvania at the time of the Hungarian conquest of the Carpathian Basin around 900 AD, according to the Gesta Hungarorum. Although the Gesta Hungarorum, which was written after 1150, does not indicate the enemies of the conquering Hungarians (Magyars) known from earlier annals and chronicles, it refers to local rulers—including Gelou—who are not mentioned in other primary sources. Consequently, historians debate whether Gelou was a historical person or an imaginary figure created by the unidentified author of the Gesta Hungarorum. In Romanian historiography, Gelou is one of three early-10th-century Romanian dukes with lands in the intra-Carpathian region of present-day Romania.

    The Gesta Hungarorum describes pre-conquest Transylvania as a country rich in salt and gold, which was raided by Turkic peoples—"Cumans and Pechenegs"—before the arrival of the Magyars. Archaeological research indicates that a people who cremated their dead inhabited the regions of the Transylvanian salt mines from the seventh to the ninth centuries. Although excavated weapons suggest a military elite, none of the early-medieval Transylvanian fortresses uncovered can be reliably dated before the 10th century. The Gesta Hungarorum states that Gelou's duchy was inhabited by Vlachs and Slavs; most toponyms recorded by the chronicler in connection with Gelou's duchy are of Magyar origin. According to the Gesta Hungarorum, Tétény (or Tuhutum), who was one of seven Magyar chieftains, defeated Gelou's army at the Mezeş Gates and Gelou was killed at the Căpuș River as he fled towards his unnamed fortress. Gelou's subjects then yielded to Tuhutum without further resistance.

    According to Anonymus, "Slavs, Bulgarians, Vlachs, and the shepherds of the Romans"[52] inhabited the Carpathian Basin when the Magyars invaded the territory.[24] The chronicler describes Transylvania (terra ultrasilvana, "the land beyond the woods") as a rich country with salt mines and gold-yielding rivers, inhabited by "Vlachs and Slavs"[53] when the Magyars arrived,[54][55] and records the names of five Transylvanian rivers or mountain passes.[56] Most—Almaş, Aștileu, Căpuş and Mezeş—are of Hungarian origin.[56] In the Gesta Hungarorum Gelou is described as "a certain Vlach"[57] and "prince of the Vlachs",[58] indicating that the Vlachs were considered the dominant Transylvanian population.[55][59]

    According to Anonymus, Gelou "was not steadfast and did not have around him good warriors".[53][60] The Vlachs and Slavs of Transylvania were "the basest of the whole world" because "they had nothing else for arms than bows and arrows";[53][55] Transylvanian weakness was the result of frequent raids by "the Cumans and Pechenegs".[53][61] According to Ioan Aurel Pop, Anonymus' description of Gelou's subjects indicates a sedentary people called to arms.[61]


    Conquest of Transylvania

    Anonymus and the late 13th-century Simon of Kéza wrote that the Magyars bypassed Transylvania after crossing the northern Carpathians.[65][66] However, 14th-century Hungarian chronicles preserve a tradition contradicting these narratives.[65][67][68] In the Illuminated Chronicle, the Magyars first arrived in Transylvania (Erdelw) with their conquest,[69] "remain[ing] quietly in Erdelw and rest[ing] their herds"[70] before moving further west.[69]

    The Gesta Hungarorum recounts a meeting of three Hungarian chieftains—Teteny (or Tuhutum), Szabolcs and Tas—after their victory over Menumorut, who is described as lord of Bihor.[71] They decided that "the border of the realm of Prince Árpád" (the head of the Magyars) "should be at the Mezeş Gates",[72] forcing the local population to build a stone-and-timber enclosure at the new border.[71] Tétény soon sent a spy, "father Agmánd Apafarkas",[53] to reconnoitre the land east of the Mezeş Gates.[60] The spy informed him of Transylvania's wealth and its ruler's weakness.[60][73] Before the invasion, Tétény "sent his envoys"[58] to Árpád for permission.[74][73] With Árpád's consent, Tétény hurried to the Mezeş Gates;[75] according to Madgearu, his attack was "clearly targeted toward the salt mine district" of Transylvania.[76]

    Gelou "gathered his army and rode speedily"[58] to the border to stop the invaders.[74] Tétény crossed the forest in one day, forcing Gelou to retreat to the Almaş River[74][77] and fight the Magyars there.[74] The next day, Tétény divided his army and "sent one part a little way upstream"[78] to cross the Almaş and surprise Gelou.[74] Gelou was defeated, with many of his men killed or captured.[74] Although he fled from the battlefield towards "his castle beside the Someş River", Tétény's soldiers chased and killed him on the banks of the Căpuș River,[77][74] near the place where the village Gilău (which was first mentioned in the 13th century) is located.[79] When they heard about their lord's death the inhabitants of Transylvania conceded, acknowledging Tétény as their new lord.[74] They swore an oath of loyalty to him at a place later named Așchileu (in Hungarian, Eskellő, which derived from eskü, meaning "oath" in Hungarian, according to Anonymus).[74][77] Anonymus ends his account of the Hungarian conquest of Transylvania by saying that Tétény governed Transylvania "peacefully and happily from that day, but his posterity possessed it only up to the times of the holy King Stephen"[80] (who conquered the province around 1000).[73][74]

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    Nota Bene before getting confused of the termination in the following research:

    The Byzantine Empire was known to its inhabitants as the "Roman Empire", the "Empire of the Romans" (Latin: Imperium Romanum, Imperium Romanorum; Greek: Βασιλεία τῶν Ῥωμαίων Basileia tōn Rhōmaiōn, Ἀρχὴ τῶν Ῥωμαίων Archē tōn Rhōmaiōn), "Romania" (Latin: Romania; Greek: Ῥωμανία Rhōmania),[n 1] the "Roman Republic" (Latin: Res Publica Romana; Greek: Πολιτεία τῶν Ῥωμαίων Politeia tōn Rhōmaiōn), Graikia (Greek: Γραικία), and also as Rhōmais (Greek: Ῥωμαΐς).[13] The inhabitants called themselves Romaioi and Graikoi, and even as late as the 19th century Greeks typically referred to their modern language as Romaika and Graikika. Whenever the Popes or the rulers of the West made use of the name Roman to refer to the Eastern Roman Emperors, they usually preferred the term Imperator Romaniae (meaning Emperor of Romania) instead of Imperator Romanorum (meaning Emperor of the Romans), a title that they applied only to Charlemagne and his successors.

    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Byzantine_Empire

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    Not only did the original Dacia drop out of history in 271, but the later Dacias did so also, after the Avars and Slavs breached the Danube frontier and poured into the Balkans in 602. Only the conversion of Bulgaria to Christianity in 879, with the introduction of the Cyrillic alphabet, returned the region to literacy. As it happens, only one other place in the Roman Empire dropped out of history in quite the same way. That was Britain. The withdrawl of Roman forces in 410 drops Britain into a void very similar to that of the Dacias, and for a while all that is apparent is the descent of sea-going Germans -- the Angles, Saxons, and Jutes. When literate culture returns, dramatically evident in the history of the English church written by the Venerable Bede in 731, we suddenly see the results. Roman Britain has disappeared from most of the island, with Romanized Celtic speakers pushed into Wales and Cornwall. The Cornish were under such pressure that many of them crossed over to Brittany. The Celtic speakers of Cornwall have today disappeared, but the Bretons are very much alive and aware of their past. Although the Angles and Saxons inherited the old Roman place names, and came to tell the King Arthur stories by which the conflicts of the 5th century were vaguely remembered, Saxon England owed little enough to the culture it had displaced.

    Roman Britain survives in Wales and Brittany. Even pre-Roman culture survives in Spain, where the mountains in the North harbor the Basques, whose language has no obvious affinities to any other. This is revealing. The geography of England poses few obstacles to conquest, but both the Welsh and the Basques held out in mountains -- relatively modest mountains perhaps, no more than 3000 feet in Wales and not much more than 7500 feet on the south side of the Ebro valley in Spain (though over 11,000 feet in the nearby Pyrenees), but something that could impose significant costs to invaders -- in the Middle Ages, the Basque country was the basis of the long independent Kingdom of Navarre. Americans need only remember how the Appalachians, which don't get much over 6000 feet, originally hindered westward movement. The Transylvanian plateau, in comparison to these, provides a formidable redoubt. The Danube River itself tells the tale, since it must make a broad detour to the south, around the whole area. The southern branch of the Carpathians, the Transylvanian Alps, has peaks over 8000 feet high, and even the western side goes up to 6000 feet in the Bihor mountains. This makes it immediately obvious why nomads tended to pass around, like the Danube. Nomads like flat grasslands, which are present on the Hungarian plain and in the Danube Valley of Wallachia, but not in the mountains or up on the Transylvanian plateau. We should expect to find an autochthonous population in Daco-Romania just as much as in Wales or Navarre.

    Consequently, it is no more difficult imagining the Dacians surviving than it is explaining the Welsh or the Basques. On the other hand, this makes it somewhat more difficult to explain why the original Dacian language would not have survived. The area of Daco-Romania was under Roman rule for a shorter time, about a century and a half, than Britain, about three and a half centuries, or than Spain, more like six and a half centuries. A Romance language did not take root in Britain, and even all the Romance dominance in Spain failed to entirely displace Basque. So why does the pre-Roman language not survive in modern Romania? The relatively brief Roman occupation hardly seems like the kind of thing that could have done so thorough a job, especially in the face of the organization and resistance that the Dacians originally offered. Nor was it Roman policy to deliberately stamp out local languages -- that was just a side effect of Roman colonization and the use of Latin as the administrative, literary, and, later, religious (i.e. Roman Catholic) language. The dominance of Romance speech in Daco-Romania thus might require some other impetus of Latinization.

    We may find that by asking what happened to all the Latin speakers south of the Danube, in the later Dacian provinces and diocese. If we look there now, one thing we find is that there are still Romance speakers. In the bend of the Danube River, where it breaks through the mountain barrier at the Iron Gate, which corresonds to the north part of the Roman Province of Dacia Ripensis, there is a Daco-Romanian speaking area even today, as part of Serbia. These are people who need not have moved in 1700 years. But most of the area of the Roman Dacias is occupied by speakers of Serbian or Bulgarian. On the other hand, the Vlach languages to the south, as I understand it, do not betray the influence of Greek that they should, had they originated in Macedonia and Albania. And there is, of course, the pocket of Istro-Rumanian, which is all the way West in Istria, which was part of Austria until World War I. Since all the Romance languages of the Balkans appear to come from one proto-language -- Proto-Romanian -- the dispersed pockets, like Arumanian, in Albania and Epirus, and Istro-Rumanian, must have originated in the same area. That looks to be the Late Roman Dacias. The event to have have scattered the languages would have been the Avar/Slavic breakthrough in 602.

    Some of the people stayed more or less put, like the Welsh, while others scattered in the face of the invaders, like the Bretons. Since there are no historical records of this, as there are none for the Slavic migration itself, we are left with nothing but the evidence of the results. From Istro-Rumanian, we know that some went West. From Megleno-Rumanian and Arumanian, we know that some went South. However, the most obvious thing for them to do would have been to go north-east right back into the original Dacia. This was now no worse than heading south or west, which offered no real refuge (Roman authority having collapsed so completely), and could easily have been considered better, since they likely would have known from rumor that the invaders had mostly passed around the highlands.

    Hidden from history, like other Dark Age migrations, the Roman evacuees from Dacia could well have, in returning, provided the additional impetus of Latinization that erased the vestiges of the ancient Dacian language. Nor need this have been an all-at-once process. It looks like mediaeval Serbia started a bit west of the Moesia region, in modern Bosnia, and gradually moved east. In the meantime, the Roman Dacias, which included parts of modern Bulgaria, like the city of Sofia (Roman Serdica), could well have remained largely Vlach. This seems to be no less than what we see in the age of the Asens. As the second Bulgarian empire declined, however, the Serbs pushed to the east. This may have motivated continued Vlach exodus. The continued movement of peoples even in the modern period is a claim of the Serbs themselves, who say that Albanians moved into Kosovo after the Turkish conquest. This is very possible. It also makes possible the movement from the Roman Dacias.

    If this view of events is correct, then both Romanian and Hungarian nationalists are, after a fashion, correct. There was continuous Daco-Romanian occupation of Transylvania, and there was migration from what had been Roman Moesia, south of the Danube. Not south by much, however. The areas are still contiguous today. This is worse for Hungarian claims than for Romanian. What continued migration explains is the purely Romance character of Daco-Romanian.

    Source

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